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Hugo Chávez

  

Venezuela President
Hugo Chávez

Diaspora Report:

With Aristide's Ouster, Chávez Opponents Hit the Streets; TransAfrica Meets With Chavez

By Karen Juanita Carrillo
SeeingBlack.com Contributing Writer

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Forging Links Between Blacks In the U.S. and Colombia

An increasing number of efforts are in the works to promote stronger alliances between African Americans and Afro-Colombians.

Grupo Pasos por Colombia
Child Dancers from Grupo Pasos por Colombia. Photo by Karen Juanita Carillo.

Among them, list the Feb. 24-25 series of panels, performances, and discussions sponsored by the Afro-Latino Development Alliance (ALDA)—a new group founded in January 2003 by Luis Gilberto Murillo, the former governor of the predominately-Black state of Chocó, Colombia.

"It's one of our first efforts to generate discussion around Afro-Colombians," Murillo said about the ALDA events, which were held at Howard University, Georgetown University, the Colombian embassy and on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., "because, so far, we're not even on the radar here."

The Feb. 24 daylong symposium on Capitol Hill was meant to advance the idea of coalition building among Afro-Colombians and members of Congress— in particular, members of the Congressional Black Caucus. Testimony from invited activists, politicians, athletes, and celebrities focused on the daily challenges Blacks still face in Colombia.

Afro-Colombians still suffer the psychological terrorism of anti-Black images and sayings, Hugo Tovar, director of the Afro-Colombian Student Network noted during one panel discussion. Tovar recalled that during a conversation he had with an eight year old, the child proudly told him that when he grows up, he wants to be white.

Even at such young ages, Black Colombians know that they could live more prosperous lives if they had white skin, Rosa Carlina Garcia of the National Association of Afro-Colombian Women said. Garcia gave the known statistics: Blacks comprise 70 percent of the displaced from Colombia's on-going war; most Blacks don't have access to education; birth mortality rates are high and Afro-Colombians die from everyday diseases because they have limited access to health care.

In August 1993, "Law 70 (Law of the Blacks/Ley de Negritudes)" finally granted Afro-Colombians legal recognition as a distinct ethnicity and community title to the lands they have lived on since enslavement. But Garcia pointed out that Black title to the territory is proving of no use when there aren't any real plans to develop the lands for the benefit of the people.

In fact, government plans for Afro-Colombia's lands lean toward their development for international business purposes. Benedict College's Dr. Norma Jackson spoke of how similar this situation is to what happened to African Americans who held title to lands throughout the U.S. yet had their land stolen, as was documented in the December 2001 Associated Press series "Torn from the Land." "There's a phrase we have in English: 'Follow the money,'" Lisa Hugaard, the executive director of the Latin America Working Group remarked: "With regard to Afro-Colombians, I would say, 'Follow the land.' People are being forced off the land because somebody wants it. We should look into who's getting it, after [Blacks] have been run off."
-- By Karen Juanita Carillo

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It didn't take long for people to begin drawing parallels between the overthrow of Haitian Pres. Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the April 2002 attempted coup against Venezuela's Pres. Hugo Chávez.

Even Chávez himself connected the dots and—according to the government-owned Venpres media service—on Friday, March 5 he invited local and international media in Venezuela to a press conference where he screened The Revolution Will Not Be Televised, the 2003 documentary by Irish directors Kim Bartley and Donnacha O'Briain. The documentary shows how the Venezuelan media (who are owned by pro-U.S. oil companies) and the Bush administration supported the Chávez coup.

Chávez recalled that, like Aristide, he was kidnapped by coup plotters: "There was a plane there on April 2002 and there are recorded conversations that indicate that it was there to take me away," Venpres reports he told the press conference. "I did not know where [they were taking me] and once this situation was known, the National Armed Forces were sent there and when they saw that the situation was getting difficult, the plane took off."

The Bush administration and CIA have denied complicity in the 2002 coup. Those who want to see Chavez removed have had difficulty getting rid of Chávez because he remains extremely popular among the more than 67 percent of Venezuelans who live below the poverty line.

Lucas Gil Ibarguen, an activist with the group Comité Afro contra la discriminación y xenofobia/Blacks against discrimination and xenophobia, charged in an email that, "Pres. Chávez is governing for poor people without [favoring the] imperialist line. For that reason the Bush government and native oligarchy are trying to destroy his government."

Chávez, Ibarguen argued, "has done some missions against [illiteracy] and for solving the education problem for people who want to finish high school… Here there is real democracy because most of the people are participating in the decisions."

But those decisions are, according to middle and upper class groups of anti-Chávistas, socialist-based. Chávez opponents have claimed that his Movimiento Quinta Republica (Fifth Republic Movement) political party is dividing the nation along class and racial lines – leading the majority of poor African and/or Indian descendant Venezuelans, who are 80 percent of the population, to counter Chávez opponents, who are of European descent and more likely to have investments or earn their income from the country's petroleum sector, which dominates the economy.

"Most of the anti-Chávistas think that the only way for the poor to progress is if they lose some of what they have," Esther Madrid, a journalist with the pro-government newspaper Diario VEA noted. Most Afro-Venezuelans support Chávez, she said, "because the Afro-descendent population form a large part of Venezuela's poor and the programs he has instituted are helping us. The people who have tended to be poor and among the excluded for so many years now. The small number of people who oppose him have high and sometimes very high social positions; they are mainly from the middle-class."

Since the failure of the 2002 coup, anti-Chávistas have been attempting to stage a referendum on the Chávez presidency. But, as of last week, Venezuela's National Elections Council (CNE) ruled they had still not collected the required 2.4 million valid signatures needed for a recall vote.

To protest the CNE's ruling, anti-Chávistas recently took to the street. During riots and clashes with the army, marchers reportedly carried signs that read "Bye-bye Aristide; Chavez you're next!" Nine people were killed, 200 were injured and 300 were arrested during the demonstrations.

"I have no doubt" Chávez said about the demonstrations, "that we have experienced organized subversion groups armed with military weapons and supported by the Metropolitan Police as a private army. Their strategy was designed in Washington: Made in the USA!"
Chávez has threatened to thwart any Bush administration involvement in future coups against him by cutting of oil flow to the U.S. Venezuela is the world's fourth largest oil exporter to the United States.

"Each country must decide its destiny by itself without Bush or any similar government" dictating what's right, the Comité Afro's Ibarguen said. "People must live in peace without war, massacres or political crimes. Black communities, indigenous people and [rural people] are displaced because of these imperialist policies that are killing not only people but also the environment, animals, plants, and rivers. We are being affected by this criminal conduct."

 

TransAfrica Forum Meets
Venezuela's Chávez

U.S. Representative Rangel (left) meets Rep. Edgar Torres Martha Chaverra and former Choco Governor Luis Murillo. Photo by Karen Juanita Carillo.

Just as the film actor/activist Danny Glover—who serves as chair of the TransAfrica Forum's board of directors—and a delegation of African Americans arrived in Venezuela in early January to take part in a nine-day visit of meetings with that nation's President Hugo Chávez Frías, the two most prominent Republican-party Blacks in the U.S. administration spoke of their disappointment with the on-going rule of Chávez.

Although most of the Venezuelan press only briefly noted the presence of the Hollywood film actor and other prominent Blacks from the U.S., others, like the newspaper El Universal, delighted in noting that National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice had criticized Chávez' administration for not allowing "democratic reforms" and because of his continued friendly relationship with Cuba's Fidel Castro.

The day before, Secretary of State Colin Powell was quoted talking about chances for another referendum from Chávez opponents, which might be able to oust him.

TransAfrica's President Bill Fletcher was developing an interest in the situation of Chávez in Venezuela even before he'd accepted his position at TransAfrica. The D.C.-based TransAfrica Forum is an activist, research, and educational organization that works for global justice, particularly on African and African Diaspora issues.

While he was still interviewing for the TransAfrica job, Fletcher says he and Glover spoke about how critical it would be for the group to become better versed on Afro-Latino issues. But without many Spanish-speaking TransAfrica members, they had no immediate means, or reasons, to contact Afro-Latino activists – so their plans were pretty much on hold.

That is, until April 12, 2002. When Venezuela's President Hugo Chávez Frías was overthrown during a temporary coup from April 12-14, 2002, and the U.S. government loudly applauded the coup, TransAfrica found a reason and a country to get involved with.

"My interest was peaked after the demonstrations began," Fletcher says. "What struck me at the time was that I noticed a definite demographic difference among the Chávez supporters and his opponents." Many Chávez opponents have claimed that his Movimiento Quinta Republica (Fifth Republic Movement/MVR) political party is dividing the nation along class and racial lines – leading the majority of poor Venezuelans, who are 80 percent of the population and of African and/or Indian descent, to counter Chávez opponents, who are of European descent and own most of the nation's businesses.

"You know, it was like Arsenio Hall used to say, 'Hmm…!' I don't mean that there was a total difference, but it's just that Chávez' supporters tended to be a lot more diverse."

Chávez's six-year term presidency officially ends in 2007, but his opponents have held mass demonstrations, labor strikes and have been trying to hold a referendum to oust him for the past two years.

When Fletcher wrote a letter to the Washington Post criticizing their portrayals of Chávez as a dictator, he said he was "deluged with emails from right-wing Venezuelans" who asked how he could dare criticize their opposition to Chávez and who continually asserted that Venezuelans don't have any racial problems like in the U.S.

"Anytime I hear something like that," Fletcher noted, "since I didn't just drop in from outer space, my interests are automatically peaked."

African American activists and members of the TransAfrica Forum's board of directors traveled in Venezuela for nine days, visiting local Black communities, helping to rename a public school as "Dr. Martin Luther King Jr's Bolivarian School" in the Afro-Venezuelan town of Naiguatá on January 9th ("Bolivarian" schools are part of the "Bolivarian Movement," instituted by Chávez's MVR party. They offer children three free meals and a new revolutionary educational curriculum), helping to celebrate the 150th anniversary of African emancipation from slavery in that country, and attending official and unofficial meetings with government representatives – including Pres. Chávez himself.

The delegation traveled to the country alongside Bernardo Alvarez, the Washington, D.C-based ambassador of Venezuela. Besides Glover and Fletcher, the group included Patricia Ford, vice president of the Service Employees International Union; Massachusetts Institute of Technology economist/writer Julianne Malveaux; James Early, director of Cultural Studies and Communication at the Smithsonian's Center for Folklife Programs and Cultural Studies; Sylvia Hill, professor of Criminology and director of the Department of Urban Studies in Washington, D.C.; TransAfrica Forum Vice President Selena Mendy Singleton, and Executive Director of the 21st Century Youth Movement Malika Asha Sanders.

Fletcher acknowledges that TransAfrica doesn't agree with all of Chávez' programs, but he said, "We have differences of opinion with Chávez, but intelligent people can disagree."

The government-run Radio Nacional de Venezuela (RNV) reported that Glover termed his presence in Venezuela an opportunity "to listen and learn, not only from government and opposition politicians, but to share with the people, those who are promoting the changes in this country…."

"This isn't Danny Glover the artist," he proclaimed. "I'm here as a citizen, not only of the US, but a citizen of the world."

Venezuela's Pres. Chávez identifies as a pardo, which means he acknowledges both his African and Native Indian roots. Like other Latin American nations, Venezuela had a long history of claiming to be a proud mixed-blood nation, while its everyday reality saw only white Venezuelans, called mantuanos, rise to become the nations' landowners, business owners and members of government.

Chávez claims that his social reforms are in the spirit of Simón Bolívar, South America's liberator from Spanish colonialism, and that his spiritual leader and confidante is Cuba's Fidel Castro. In Venezuela Chávez has used the popular vote to win more political power for the nation's poor, instituted land reforms, and used his weekly call-in radio program "Hello President" to encourage popular participation in politics.

Fletcher said his delegation witnessed the power of Chávez first-hand, when they were special guests at the Jan. 11 broadcast of "Hello President."

"It was like a concert—a phenomena," Fletcher mused. The radio show was to be broadcast from one of the nation's remote villages, so the delegation was flown to the area and then driven in a van to the site. "When we were about three kilometers away we started to see people walking in the direction we were going. And the further we drove, their numbers just increased. People were in groups, bringing food, bringing large Styrofoam containers for drinks, bringing their children. We finally got to a part where we couldn't move because there were so many people—thousands of people. Guards had to get out in front of the van and make a way for us to pass through."

When they arrived and Education, Culture and Sports Minister Aristóbulo Istúriz (the first black man to hold that post) exited the van, the crowd cheered wildly and had to be held back. When the actor/activist Danny Glover left the van, there was a cheer, but not as many people recognized Glover the way they'd recognized Istúriz.

"'Hello President' was like a late-night talk show," Fletcher said: "It was the most unusual thing I've ever seen." For some two hours, Chávez alternately talked, interviewed his cabinet ministers, and even sang to explain his political positions to the people. "Like, the president of Dominica, Pierre Charles, had died [on January 6]. In order to explain why he would be attending the funeral, he pulled out a map showing Venezuela and then showed where Dominica was, and then he talked about the relationship between these two countries and why it was important."

Besides the relationship it has established with Chávez' government, Fletcher says TransAfrica met with Afro-Venezuelans activists who were interested in developing a dialogue— hemispherically—among African descendants. Some of those local activists had obviously been influenced by the discussions that took place at the U.N.'s World Conference Against Racism in 2001. But the visit from the TransAfrica Forum delegation also helped launch a badly needed discussion.

The TransAfrica Forum will issue an official report about its trip to Venezuela in the next few weeks. And Fletcher says that TransAfrica will be sponsoring more trips to Venezuela in the future, and begin pushing for less U.S. interference in the internal affairs of Venezuela.

-- March 15, 2004

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